Quirks of subject (non-)extraction in Igbo

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dc.contributor.authorAmaechi, Mary
dc.contributor.authorGeorgi, Doreen
dc.date.accessioned2021-10-04T13:49:23Z
dc.date.available2021-10-04T13:49:23Z
dc.date.issued2019
dc.description.abstractIn this paper we present new data on a subject/non-subject extraction asymmetry in Igbo constituent questions. We provide evidence that the superficially morphological phenomenon reflects a deeper syntactic asymmetry: Unlike wh-non-subjects, wh-subjects cannot undergo local  -movement to the left periphery (SpecFoc); rather, they have to stay in their canonical position SpecT. The same constraint also leads to the that-trace effect (absence of the complementizer) in the embedded clause of long subject wh-movement. We argue that what is responsible for the special status of wh-subjects is their high structural position. We provide an optimality-theoretic analysis of the asymmetry that is based on anti-locality: Local subject  -movement is excluded because it is too short. Moreover, we address the nature of apparent wh-in-situ in Igbo.en_US
dc.description.sponsorshipThis research was funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) – project number 317633480 – SFB 1287, Project C05 (Georgi). Publication of this research is supported by the Singapore Ministry of Education under WBS R-103- 000-145-115 to guest editor Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine.en_US
dc.identifier.citationGlossa: a journal of general linguistics 4(1): 69. 1–36.en_US
dc.identifier.urihttps://uilspace.unilorin.edu.ng/handle/20.500.12484/6517
dc.publisherUbiquity Presssen_US
dc.subjectextraction asymmetriesen_US
dc.subjectwh-movementen_US
dc.subjectwh-in-situen_US
dc.subjectfocus markingen_US
dc.subjectthat-trace effecten_US
dc.titleQuirks of subject (non-)extraction in Igboen_US
dc.typeArticleen_US

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