Amaechi, MaryGeorgi, Doreen2021-10-042021-10-042019Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 4(1): 69. 1–36.https://uilspace.unilorin.edu.ng/handle/20.500.12484/6517In this paper we present new data on a subject/non-subject extraction asymmetry in Igbo constituent questions. We provide evidence that the superficially morphological phenomenon reflects a deeper syntactic asymmetry: Unlike wh-non-subjects, wh-subjects cannot undergo local  -movement to the left periphery (SpecFoc); rather, they have to stay in their canonical position SpecT. The same constraint also leads to the that-trace effect (absence of the complementizer) in the embedded clause of long subject wh-movement. We argue that what is responsible for the special status of wh-subjects is their high structural position. We provide an optimality-theoretic analysis of the asymmetry that is based on anti-locality: Local subject  -movement is excluded because it is too short. Moreover, we address the nature of apparent wh-in-situ in Igbo.extraction asymmetrieswh-movementwh-in-situfocus markingthat-trace effectArticle